President Jane Zarkan's Inaugural Address

President Jane Zarkan's Inaugural Address was an Inaugural address made by Jane Zarkan in early 21 BBY outside the front entrance of the Confederate Parliament building after she had been sworn in as the Provisional President of the Confederate States of Earth, an alliance of nations which broke away from the Union of Earth States mere days before the address was made.

As she made the address the large crowd which had come to see her inauguration did not make any noise, as they listened with strong intent to her every word, after she had finished her speech, however, the crowd erupted into cheering and applause as militia bands played patriotic Confederate music, the inauguration, but especially her address, was broadcast across the world, and strengthened many hearts and minds to her.

Text of the Address
''Gentlemen of the Provisional Parliament of the Confederate States of Earth, Friends and Fellow Citizens:

Called to the most difficult and responsible station of President of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned to me with an humble distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to guide and to aid me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriotism of the people.

Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a permanent government to take the place of this, and which by its greater moral and physical power will be better able to combat with the many difficulties which arise from the conflicting interests of separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office to which I have been chosen with the hope that the beginning of our career as a Confederacy may not be obstructed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment of the separate existence and independence which we have asserted, and, with the blessing of Almighty God and his Providence, intend to maintain.

Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history of nations, illustrates the Traditionalist idea that governments rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter or abolish governments whenever they become destructive of the ends for which they were established.

''The declared purpose of the compact of Union from which we have withdrawn was "to establish unity, provide common security, and preserve the rights of peoples of all nations;" and when, in the judgement of the sovereign States now composing this Confederacy, it had been perverted from the purposes for which it was ordained, and had ceased to answer the ends for which it was established, a peaceful appeal to the ballot-box declared that so far as they were concerned, the government created by that compact should cease to exist. In this they merely asserted a right which the Declaration of Rights of the 130th year before this Confederacy's independence had defined to be inalienable; of the time and occasion for its exercise, they, as sovereigns, were the final judges, each for itself. The impartial and enlightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our conduct, and He who knows the hearts of men will judge of the sincerity with which we laboured to preserve the Government of our forefathers in its spirit.''

''The right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, and which has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the bills of rights of States subsequently admitted into the Union of 60 years before our Confederate independence, undeniably recognise in the people the power to resume the authority delegated for the purposes of government. Thus the sovereign States here represented proceeded to form this Confederacy, and it is by abuse of language that their act has been denominated a revolution and treachery. They formed a new alliance, but within each State her government has remained, the rights of person and property have not been disturbed. The agent through whom they communicated with foreign nations is changed, but this does not necessarily interrupt their international relations.''

''Sustained by the consciousness that the transition from the former Union to the present Confederacy has not proceeded from a disregard on our part of just obligations, or any failure to perform every constitutional duty, moved by no interest or passion to invade the rights of others, anxious to cultivate peace and commerce with all nations, if we may not hope to avoid war, we may at least expect that posterity will acquit us of having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression on the part of others, there can be no cause to doubt that the courage and patriotism of the people of these Confederate States will be found equal to any measures of defence which honour and security may require.''

''An strongly Nationalist people, with a preference for local national rights and self-determination, our true policy is peace, and the freest of trade which our necessities will permit. It is alike our interest, and that of all those to whom we would sell and from whom we would buy, that there should be the fewest practicable restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. There can be but little rivalry between ours and any manufacturing or navigating community, such as the Eastern States of the Union from which we have removed ourselves. It must follow, therefore, that a mutual interest would invite good will and kind offices. If, however, passion or the lust of dominion should cloud the judgement or inflame the ambition of those States, we must prepare to meet the emergency and to maintain, by the final arbitrament of the rifle, the position which we have assumed among the nations of the Earth. We have entered upon the career of independence, and it must be inflexibly pursued.''

''Through many years of controversy with our late associates, the Federalist states of the Union, we have vainly endeavoured to secure tranquillity, and to obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation; and henceforth our energies must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and the perpetuity of the Confederacy which we have formed. If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my most earnest desire will have been fulfilled. But, if this be denied to us, and the integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain for us, with firm resolve, to appeal to arms and invoke the blessings of God and his kind wisdom on a just cause.''

As a consequence of our new condition and with a view to meet anticipated wants, it will be necessary to provide for the speedy and efficient organization of branches of the executive department, having special charge of foreign intercourse, finance, military affairs, and the postal service.

''For purposes of defence, the Confederate States may, under ordinary circumstances, rely mainly upon their militia, but it is deemed advisable, in the present condition of affairs, that there should be a well-instructed and disciplined army, more numerous than would usually be required on a peace establishment. I also suggest that for the protection of our harbours and commerce on the high seas a navy adapted to those objects will be required. These necessities have doubtless engaged the attention of Parliament.''

''With a Constitution differing only from that of our forefathers in so far as it is explanatory of their well-known intent, freed from the sectional conflicts which have interfered with the pursuit of the general welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect that States from which we have recently parted may seek to unite their fortunes with ours under the government which we have instituted. For this your Constitution makes adequate provision; but beyond this, if I mistake not the judgement and will of the people, a reunion with the States from which we have separated is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase the power, develop the resources, and promote the happiness of a confederacy, it is requisite that there should be so much of homogeneity that the welfare of every portion shall be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist, antagonisms are engendered which must and should result in separation.''

''Actuated solely by the desire to preserve our own rights and promote our own welfare, the separation of the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon others and followed by no domestic convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have received no check. The cultivation of our fields has progressed as heretofore, and even should we be involved in war there would be no considerable diminution in the production of the staples which have constituted our exports and in which the commercial world has an interest scarcely less than our own. This common interest of the producer and consumer can only be interrupted by an exterior force which should obstruct its transmission to foreign markets--a course of conduct which would be as unjust toward us as it would be detrimental to manufacturing and commercial interests abroad. Should reason guide the action of the Government from which we have separated, a policy so detrimental to the civilised world, the remaining Union states included, could not be dictated by even the strongest desire to inflict injury upon us; but otherwise a terrible responsibility will rest upon it, and the suffering of millions will bear testimony to the folly and wickedness of our aggressors. In the meantime there will remain to us, besides the ordinary means before suggested, the well-known resources for retaliation upon the commerce of an enemy.''

''Experience in public stations, to which my servitude in the aforementioned stations your kindness I have received, has taught me that care and toil and disappointment are the price of engaging in such stations. You may see some errors to forgive, some deficiencies to tolerate, but you shall not find in me either a want of zeal or fidelity to the cause that is to me highest in hope and of most enduring affection. Your generosity has bestowed upon me a most wondrous distinction, one which I gladly embrace on behalf of the people of these great Confederate States, the representatives of their Parliament who work on their behalf, and their most unbreakable patriotism and faith.''

''We have changed the constituent parts, but not the system of our Government. The Constitution formed by our ancestors is that of these Confederate States, in their exposition of it, and in the judicial construction it has received, we have a light which reveals its true meaning.''

Thus instructed as to the just interpretation of the instrument, and ever remembering that all offices are but trusts held for the people, and that delegated powers are to be strictly construed, I will hope, by due diligence in the performance of my duties, that I may provide unto you a most satisfactory service to both these Confederate States and to the fellows who place their hopes, faith, and prayers upon me.

''It is joyous, in the midst of these most perilous times, to look around upon a people united in heart, where one purpose of high resolve animates and actuates the whole-where the sacrifices to be made are not weighed in the balance against honour and right and liberty and equality. Obstacles may retard, they cannot long prevent the progress of a movement sanctified by its justice, and sustained by a virtuous people. Reverently let us invoke the God of our peoples to guide and protect us in our efforts to perpetuate the principles which, by his blessing, they were able to vindicate, establish and transmit to their posterity, and with a continuance of His favour, ever gratefully acknowledged, we may hopefully look forward to success, to peace, and to prosperity.''